After applying the criteria for accommodating ethnic diversity to a sample of national education systems, we concluded that educational systems tend to comply with the criteria in different measures and in a variety of configurations. The purpose of this article is to defend this contention. In order to do this, we firstly outline the critical-interpretive-constructivist methodology used for developing a set of criteria with which we could approach the education systems. We then apply these criteria to a sample of education systems, with special reference to the accommodation of ethnic diversity. The article concludes with a recommendation regarding the accommodation of ethnicity.

In line with our functionalism, we followed a cross-over, hybrid methodological approach that may be termed critical-interpretive-constructivist. This approach was based on Jansen’s framework for critical theory and the work of Caldwell (2003), Cohen (1970), Cowan, O’Connell and Scanlon (1965), Thompson (1981), Waghid (2007) and Welch (1991). It provided us with the coordinates for the criterion unity, commonality, communality and national unity. For the criterion of individual and group differences we turned to Potgieter and Van der Walt (2008) and Sherman Swing (2010). The work of Giddens (1994), Nieuwenhuis (2010) and Van Deventer (2010) clarified the criterion of social justice, while the epistemologies provided by Armesto (2004), Du Preez (2009), Jackson and Jackson (2008), Karvelas (2006), Soodyall (2006), Van Beek (2006), Van der Walt (2010) and Wielemans (1993) helped us to formulate the criterion of anthropological equivalence and human rights. The work of Basave (2006), Jansen (2009), Krüger and Helsper (2006), Lucas (1984) and Reid (1999, 2006) provided the theoretical guideposts for the criterion of pedagogical demands. Finally, to address issues of equality, we turned to the principles provided by the work of Berkhout and Bondesio (1987), Bowie (1970), Cambron-McCabe and McCarthy (2004) and Mncwabe (1990).

This methodological stance enabled us to develop six criteria for analysing and evaluating the capability of national education systems to provide in and for the needs of ethnic and other minorities. By applying these criteria, we were able to determine the extent to which an education system (and by implication the policy makers behind the system) was capable of providing in the said needs. We regarded adherence to the criteria as indicative of the measure to which the particular system was able to accommodate the various needs, with particular reference to ethnic diversity, within its national boundaries.

The following conceptual-philosophical/life and worldview-theoretical framework consists of a brief outline of each of the criteria.

A person’s identity can only exist in community with other people, according to Rorty. He claims that when we are isolated, we lose ourselves. The irony is, however, that as community and sameness are emphasised, togetherness can be lost. As we lose our idea of self, we lose our concept of common humanity, of that which unites us, and we are segregated into our own little communities. Consequently, our ability to have meaningful engagement with those from other communities is lost and group differences – rather than what we share in common as people, that is, our sameness – become what defines us (Potgieter & Van der Walt 2008:44).

In counterpoint to Danieli’s view that an individual’s identity involves a complex interplay of multiple spheres or systems, Jansen (2009:79, 107) warns that if an education system were to allow for ethnicity as a socially dividing construct in its curricular endeavours, chances are that the learners in such a system will only learn about ethnic differences in terms of racial, ethnic and cultural exclusiveness, in the process reproducing social inequality, thereby further dividing the social fabric. Even semantically more elegant references to differences than the terms race and ethnicity (such as culture, language and group identity) can conceal derogatory and discriminatory meanings. This begs the moral question how a country’s education system can prepare dialogic-pedagogical spaces for its stakeholders and role-players to teach about difference if that country has never had a national conversation about sameness.

The discourse on multicultural education has, since the inception of this term more than thirty years ago, progressed through a number of phases (cf. Wolhuter 2012:178). In the first phase other cultures were presented in curricula and school organisation as interesting and token accessories or ‘add-ons’ to the dominant culture. Out of concern for xenophobic attacks and intercultural conflict, multicultural education then became intertwined with anti-racist education. In a third phase, amidst the increasing emphasis which specialist fields of Education such as Sociology of Education have placed on power-relations in society, multicultural education progressively took on the form of anti-oppressive education. In the most recent phase, after the events of 9/11 and in an age of globalisation, multicultural education coagulated in the form of intercultural education, which contains elements of all the previous phases, as well as elements of critical and reflexive multiculturalism. The four basic principles of intercultural education can be enunciated as follows:

1. education with empathy, that is, deep understanding of the other
2. education in solidarity, meaning that an appeal is made to the cultivation of a collective human conscience and social justice
3. education in and for intercultural respect
4. education for ethnic thought and dialogue (Wolhuter 2012:178).

This article and the development of criteria are premised on the school of thought of intercultural education.

Available evidence suggests that social justice is a social and cultural phenomenon that embraces and embodies, amongst others, the common good. It is, however, also a political, democratic, human right and educational phenomenon (Van Deventer 2010:5) and, as such, it requires that every citizen should take responsibility to protect, advance and promote the shared values and ideals (Nieuwenhuis 2010:2) that underpin social justice praxis. Theoretical formulations of social justice, such as commutative justice, distributive justice, retributive justice, contributive justice and prospective justice (Van Deventer 2010:5; Nieuwenhuis 2010:3) mark the parameters of the social as well as the legal space in which such social justice praxis may be realised.

This notion of social justice is central to the work of Giddens (1994). He sees social justice (amongst others) as a space that allows for repairs to be done to damaged solidarities and for making things happen (Nieuwenhuis 2010:6, 7), a space where a democracy can be created in which all issues may be debated openly and honestly. The reality is that the policies and practices of the dominant social group in any country usually result in social justice being defined according to economic gain, while marginal themes tend to focus more on the development of social cohesion and a sense of community.

The fact is that social justice essentially remains embedded in a struggle for social change, particularly against domination and oppression of varying kinds (Nieuwenhuis 2010:7, 9).

According to some theorists, individuals and groups have both positive and negative rights. Positive rights are rights that provide freedom to obtain something such as the right to education, employment, welfare, and hospital care. Negative rights imply freedom from oppression by (for instance) the Government: the right to freedom of expression, movement, assembly, press, religion, a fair trial, and so on (Karvelas 2006:passim; Jackson & Jackson 2008:484–485).

Whilst differentiation on the grounds of certain differences can be justified (such as different bathrooms for the two genders; different schools and classes for learners with, for example, severe impediments; different media of instruction for learners belonging to different language communities or schools in different regions), differentiation on certain other grounds can be construed as discriminatory (such as separate schools for different race or colour groups, ethnic groups or socio-economic statuses). Circumstances may dictate whether differentiation would be justifiable or not, such as: ethnic and group-related social conventions, historical background and religious and life-view commitments. Some of the terms referring to anthropological differences, such as race, have become obsolete and should be avoided (Du Preez 2009:38, 75), whereas others merely refer to the contingencies of a person’s birth, such as skin colour variations (Soodyall 2006:160), and therefore need not be accommodated in an education system. In fact, as Van Beek (2006:372) argues, fixation on a contingency can lead to undesirable attitudes and actions. A fixation on ethnicity, for instance, can lead to xenophobia or forms of neo-apartheid (ethnic and race segregation). Despite these threats, ethnic (minority) groups in countries all over the world have in the past shown a tendency towards insisting that special provision be made for them and their particular needs. We cannot close our eyes to this de facto demand from some ethnic groups.

Since it is not possible to formulate an unambiguous criterion for the accommodation of individual and group differences in an education system, one can – at the very least – expect of an education system to be sensitive about any individual and group differences in the citizenry, in this case ethnic differences, to provide in and for the needs of each ethnic group as expressed by a group itself (not imposed on it through legislation, for instance), and to avoid and combat any form of discrimination (based on ethnicity, in this case) that might crop up in the populace. In many countries, the equality and equivalence of each and every citizen finds expression in a bill of fundamental human rights (Wielemans 1993:7). The education system of a country should not only respect these fundamental rights and freedoms of the citizens, but should also be actively aimed at promoting their rights and freedoms, as well as those of ethnic groups that demand recognition. The same applies to the relationships in which each individual is involved. According to Wielemans (1993:8), the individual can only be understood in relation to others, also in terms of ethnic bonds, if so desired by the individual. This sentiment resonates in current scholarly work that distinguishes between the other and an other (Jansen 2009). The former refers to a person from a (presumed) different ethnic or cultural background, while the latter refers to the recognition (by the observer) of anthropological sameness. Each individual is also an intersection of relationships. This sentiment is echoed in the revised version of ubuntu propagated by Van der Walt (2010:237–239).

What should be uppermost in the mind of the person in charge of the entire education system of a particular country? What should he or she aspire to? The replies of the Director-General of a system and/or the Minister of Education of a particular country to questions such as the following would be indicative of whether they have sound understandings of their task: is the system aimed and geared at providing optimal opportunities for all learners – irrespective of ethnic background and affiliations – to attain maximum achievement and excellence, at forming each and every learner to paideia in the most complete sense of the word, at helping as many as possible of the learners to contribute to the welfare of all the communities concerned as well as to that of the entire nation? Since these questions reflect both meanings of education (teaching-learning as well as forming), the answers provided by the officials should also do so. Not only should the students as learners be able to achieve at the highest academic levels; they should also, as educands, be guided to attain the highest levels of paideia, and in both capacities be able to contribute to the welfare of their communities and the entire nation.

After having looked at the above-mentioned views about equal educational opportunities, we align ourselves with the view of Cambron-McCabe and McCarthy (2004:89) that policies and procedures within an education system should, above all, be equitable, fair, effective, and adequately protect all learners’ educational rights.

In 1967, the responsibility for Aborigine education was transferred from the federal states to the central government. The government followed a new policy of self-determination and autonomy of decentralised Aborigine communities (O’Neill 2010:36). Although the new policy amounted to a system of ‘two-way schooling’ for the Aborigines (traditional education combined with Western elements), very little success was attained with it since it mostly depended on the enthusiasm of individuals (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) & Federation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Languages (FATSIL) 2005). Some of the initiatives were fairly successful, for instance the Fitzroy Valley Community self-help plan and the Follow the Dream program in Western Australia (O’Neill 2010:38). Despite the laudability of these efforts, they do not seem to be in consonance with our criteria regarding the recognition of individual and group rights (criterion number 4), the pedagogical needs of a minority group (criterion number 5), and fair and equitable treatment (criterion number 6).

Whereas the Aborigine community represents only three percent of the total population, one out of every four of the 22 million Australian people were born outside of the country, and one out of every two has at least one parent born elsewhere. In the case of immigrants, a policy of multiculturalism has been followed since the 1970s and 1980s. The current position, as explained by the Ministry of Immigration, is that the acquisition of Australian citizenship does not demand the suppression of immigrants’ cultural heritage or identity. On the contrary, they contribute their languages, cultures and traditions towards the enrichment of Australian culture (O’Neill 2010:42). As a result of this policy, Modern Greek was introduced as a subject in primary schools in Victoria, and Greek-born Australian teachers are being trained at the University of Crete (Chipman 1980). This immigration policy does not seem to comply with our notion of commonality and thus of nation building and the promotion of national unity (criterion number 2). It does, however, meet the pedagogical requirements of (in this case) the Greek community in Victoria (criterion number 5).

The situation began changing from 1972 onwards. In a White Paper entitled Indian control of Indian education it was declared that the First Nations would henceforth control the education of their children. The new approach was aimed at achieving two goals, namely the reinforcement of children’s First Nations identity and to teach the skills required for making a successful living in a modern society. Although the separateness of First Nation education in their own schools can be questioned, it has to be kept in mind that the new approach was requested by the First Nations. This, in our opinion, conforms to the criterion of acknowledging the pedagogical demands of a group (criterion number 5). The decision of the First Nations to educate their children in their own, separate schools seems to have been vindicated by history. Since the introduction of the policy, their schools have increased from zero to 500 in 2008; 33 000 First Nation students are currently involved in tertiary education, 4000 students graduate annually, and more than 80% have declared that they attach value to speaking their indigenous languages (Ottmann 2010:75–76). This is evidence of the recognition of individual and group differences (criterion number 1), of social justice (criterion number 3), of anthropological equivalence and human rights (criterion number 4), of meeting the pedagogical demands of the inhabitants (criterion number 5) and of equitable and fair treatment (criterion number 6). It is not clear to what extent this policy has contributed to significant national unity and nation building (criterion number 2).

Their conditions improved after the inauguration of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Efforts were made to uplift the minorities, and in some cases affirmative action was taken. They received preferential treatment in terms of the erection of educational institutions, lower school fees, hostels and remedial programs (Saltman 1999). Special [Kangend] schools were established in the mountainous areas, text books in the indigenous languages were supplied, and teachers were trained for working in the minority communities. Twenty universities for ethnic minorities and up to the present time more than 100 normal schools (i.e. teacher education institutions for minorities) have already been erected (Yang & Wu 2010:87). Although the numbers of ethnic majorities have grown to 9.7%, 7.7% and 5.7% in primary, secondary and tertiary institutions respectively (Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China 2005), they do not as yet reflect the demographic profile of the country. Schools attended by children of the Han majority still reflect the sentiments and culture of that community (Postiglione 1999). The atheistic or anti-religious state schools also do not reflect the religions of the minorities attending those schools (Yang & Wu 2010:89). Only the languages spoken by the majority group seem to receive attention. Concern has been expressed about the fact that the new policy has led to school segregation (Postiglione 1999). Although concerns can be raised about nation building and national unity (criterion number 2), the current policy in China seems to conform to most of the other criteria: it acknowledges group differences (criterion number 1), the policy can be regarded as socially just (criterion number 2), it respects the equivalence and the human rights of all (criterion number 3), it meets the pedagogical demands of all concerned (criterion number 4), and the treatment of all groups seems to be equitable and fair (criterion number 6).

The problem was exacerbated by the introduction of Hebrew as the official language, which was not the language of the immigrants, most of whom spoke English, German or French. The government launched a Hebrew literacy campaign in 1949, and by 1992 more than 77% of the immigrants declared that they had accepted Hebrew as first language (Bekerman 2010:107). Since Hebrew had become the chief instrument in the process of homogenising the population and for nation building, the Palestinian minority population found themselves excluded from tertiary study since Arabic is not offered as medium of instruction at universities. Although this strategy can be seen as a form of nation building (criterion number 2), it can also be construed as discriminatory against minorities (criterion number 6).

School curricula also only minimally reflect the requirements and perspectives of the various minority groups, including those of the Palestinians or Arabs (Bekerman 2010:103). No efforts were made to introduce the Jewish children to the Palestinian narrative (Al-Haj 2002), and curricula still seem to reflect only the traditions and perspectives of the Ashkenazi Jews at the expense of the Jewish minorities (Dahan & Levy 2000). This is also not in compliance with the criteria of human rights (criterion number 4) and fairness (criterion number 6).

In the 1990s, a system of multicultural education was introduced, evidence of a more open and tolerant atmosphere. Recognition is now being given to the cultural heritage and history of the Mizrachi or Sephardim minorities. Dual-medium, integrated schools were also established for accommodating the children of immigrants from Russia (Resnick 2006; Bekerman 2004, 2005) despite the fact that the government was not in favour of it (Bekerman 2010:109). This current strategy seems to conform to all six of our criteria.

Regarding language medium, provision was made for Malay, Tamil and Mandarin as well as English in the urban areas. Before independence, the latter played an important nation building role in the schools attended by children from all three ethnic groups. After independence, English was abolished as medium of instruction, and by 1985, Tamil was abolished in all schools and Mandarin in secondary schools. Only Malay-medium schools as well as a few Mandarin-medium primary schools remained (Loo 2008:480). The Chinese community’s request to establish and fund their own Mandarin-medium university was rejected by government. This does not seem to comply with our criterion regarding the recognition of the needs of minorities (criterion number 1) and of basic human rights (criterion number 4).

The Chinese and Indian communities also feel discriminated against in terms of their religions. The national ideology of Rukunegara that has strong Islamic religious and Malay overtones and undertones pervades the entire school curriculum (Loo 2010:129–130). Sporadic violent resistance to government policies attests to the fact that the official line taken by government has not been successful (Loo 2010:134). Government’s failure to recognise the rights of minority groups does not comply with our criterion number four.

After a period of violence, a new government took office in 2003; a new constitution was promulgated in terms of which discrimination was prohibited, especially on the grounds of ethnicity and religion. Hutu and Tutsi identities were also not allowed to play a role in the public and political arena. The new government placed itself on the side of peace and tolerance, and promised to follow a policy of non-discrimination and non-segregation. Schooling and examinations were to be conducted on the principles of equity and transparency (Nzabalirwa 2010:150–151). The new policies have been quite effective as can be seen from the fact that between 2000 and 2010 the per capita income has tripled, and the fact that the country is experiencing a period of relative peace and tolerance. In our opinion, the current policies in Rwanda comply with all our criteria, except the recognition of the ethnic group identities of the Hutu and Tutsi (criterion number 1).

Post-Soviet Russia has been following a policy of equal rights to all citizens and non-discrimination on the grounds of differences among individuals and groups (Savinov & Kovaleva 2010:162). It is not yet clear to what extent the new policy will bear fruit, especially in view of the economic difficulties in which the Russian Federation is finding itself. Whereas most of the policies of Soviet Russia did not comply with any of our criteria, those of present-day Russia seem to comply to a considerable degree.

Whereas practically all the education policies prior to 1994 were not consonant with our criteria, the situation has since been effectively turned around. The education system of South Africa now seems to comply with all the criteria, with the exception of criterion number one, in the sense that it still refuses to meet the pedagogical needs of ethnic minorities and religious denominations and groups.

This research has set out to focus on the capacity of education systems in addressing the issue of ethnic diversity, and the article has clearly been written from the perspective of the scholarly field of Comparative Education, which distinguishes itself with its system perspective on education: the holistic study of the structure of education systems, the components and elements of the structure and the society-education system interrelationships (Wolhuter 2011:26–27). As soon as elements of the education system themselves becomes the focus of study, the realms of other scholarly fields of Education enters. Valuable follow-up research to the research reported in this study would be to focus on each of these elements, and to evaluate their capacity to address ethnic diversity, for example a study of Citizen Education programmes (by scholars in the field of Citizen Education) or the history of the exclusion of minorities from education (by scholars in the field of History of Education).

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